미국 타임지는 우리가 아는 것처럼 세계 각국 뉴스 소식을 전하는 가운데 이재명 대선 후보의 기사가 미국 타임지에 실렸습니다. 인터뷰라고 뉴스에서는 나오고 있는데요 관심이 쏠린 이유는 바로 역대 대선 후보들의 인터뷰를 실어왔기 때문으로 관심이 몰렸는데요 여야 이와 관련해서 해석은 모두 다르지만 타임지가 16대부터 19대까지 역대 대선에서 당시 후보자 신분이었던 노무현, 이명박, 박근혜, 문재인 후보의 단독 인터뷰를 게재해 온 것으로 알려지면서 이재명 대선 후보의 당선을 점치고 있는 것이 아니냐는 해석이 나오고 있습니다.
바로 사전투표 전날인 3월 3일 기사가 실렸는데요 그 내용을 살펴 보고자 합니다.
타임지 이재명 대선후보 인터뷰 기사가 관심을 끌게 된 이유
타임지에 실린 이재명 대선 후보가 국민의 힘과 더불어 국민들의 관심을 갖게 된 이유
1) 타임지가 인터뷰한 사람이 보통 한국 대통령 당선인 예측에 맞았기 때문에 놀라운 평가를 받고 있습니다.
그렇다면 타임지는 이번에 유력 당선인으로 왜 이재명으로 보고 있다는 의견이 나오고 있을까요?
이에 대해 윤석열 국민의힘 대선후보 선거대책본부 공보단장 김은혜 국민의힘 의원은 페이스북에 "세계가 인정한 법카 후보, 우리의 선택은 부끄러움이 아니여야 합니다"라고 반대의 글을 올렸는데 부러우면 진다라는 여당의 반격이 있었습니다.
물론 타임지의 내용에는 윤석열 후보와 이재명의 후보의 단점이 모두 들어가 있는 것으로 알려지고 있습니다. 영어 원문에도 두 사람이 비호감이 된 이유에 대해 설명을 하고 있는데요 역대 타임지가 인터뷰한 사람이 보통 대선후보가 되어 왔기 때문에 야권의 비난에도 불구하고 관심이 쏟아지고 있습니다.
국민의 힘 김은혜 단장은 또한 이재명 후보가 경기도 지사시절 광고비로 타임에 1억이 넘는 광고와 CNN에 1억 7천여만의 광고를 집행을 했다고 하면서 이전 업무 관련 효율성 없는 광고비 지출에 대해서도 이야기를 했는데요 이번 대선과는 별개의 이야기를 꺼내서 이해가 안 되는 부분도 있습니다.
2) 김은혜 단장의 타임지 인터뷰 기사관련에 대해 할 말이 없는 부분은 타임지에서 국민의 힘 측에 인터뷰 요청을 타임지에서 했던 것으로 알려지면서 시간상의 이유로 인터뷰를 하지 못했다고 했는데요 국민의 힘에서 글로벌 주간지에 퇴짜를 놓은 국민의 힘의 해당 관련자의 생각과 윤석열 후보는 도대체 왜 이런 강력한 인터뷰를 굳이 퇴짜를 놓았을까 하는 의구심이 들고 있습니다.
굳이 국민의 힘이 못한 인터뷰를 상대 후보가 나온 내용을 가지고 비난을 할 이유가 없어 보이고 궁색한 변명으로 보이기도 합니다.
글로벌 주간지 타임지 왜 굳이 이재명 후보를 인터뷰를 했는지는 확실한 당선인을 두고 보통 하는 경향이 있었기 때문으로 보이는데요 이 재명 후보를 자신의 어린 시절 경험이 나라를 치유하는 데 도움이 될 거라 믿는 유력 주자로 소개를 하고 있습니다.
타임지가 밝힌 이재명 후보 관련 인터뷰 내용
타임지에 실린 내용을 잠깐 보면 가난한 가정 7남매의 다섯째로 태어난 이재명은 초등학교를 다니기 위해 왕복 10마일을 걸어 다녔으며 학교의 작은 도서관은 그에게 안식처였고 이재명은 10대 초반 학교를 떠나 공장에서 일하기 시작했다고 전하면서 유 후보가 임금 체불에 시달리고 산재로 팔 장애까지 얻은 가슴 아픈 사연도 소개가 되고 있습니다. 서민의 삶을 더 이해하면서 성장한 배경을 전했습니다.
또한 이러한 어렸을 적 어려웠던 삶과 이를 극복하기 위해 노력한 부분으로 인해 이재명 후보의 시야를 한국 사회에 만연한 부조리를 없애기 위해 마음을 먹는 것에 영향을 미쳤다고 하며 이재명 대선 후보의 정치 활동 계기를 소개를 했습니다.
물론 윤석열 후보가 어떤 일을 했는지도 소개를 했습니다.
즉, 이재명 후보와 윤석열 후보가 어떤 일을 했고, 어떤 단점을 가지고 있는지도 소개를 했는데요 모두 언론에 보도가 된 내용이기도 했으며 인터뷰에 응한 이재명 후보에 대한 어렸을 적 이야기 등이 더 많이 나열된 것이 사실인데요 윤석열 후보 측의 억측은 바로 본인 캠프에서 인터뷰에 응하지 않을 것을 후회하는 듯한 반격을 하고 있는 것으로 비치기도 했습니다.
타임지는 또한 이재명 후보가 이런 사회의 부조리에 대해서 “전에는 모든 게 내 실수고 잘못이라고 생각했지만 이것이 사회 구조적인 문제 있다라는 것을 깨닫게 되었고 이를 통해 정치에 입문한 계기에 대해서 소개를 했습니다.
타임지 인터뷰 거절한 윤석열 캠프의 이유 추측
윤석열 후보는 검사 출신입니다. 9수를 했습니다. 그런데 이런 유명 글로벌 주간지의 인터뷰에 대해 왜 응하지 않았을까 하는 추측을 낳게 헤서 정리를 해 봅니다.
첫 번째 이유는 바로 본인의 생각을 잘 정리해서 인터뷰를 해야 하는데 그 수준에 대해 자신감이 없었을 것이라는 생각입니다. 이로 인해 지지율 하락에 심각한 영향을 줄 수 있었을 것이라 생각한 캠프 내 관리선에서의 커트라는 생각이 지배적으로 보입니다.
두 번째 이유는 사전투표일 투표율 역대 최고만을 생각한 나머지 윤석열 안철수 단일화가 바로 눈앞에 있었기 때문에 글로벌 주간지의 인터뷰에 응하지 않았을 가능성이 있어 보입니다. 하지만 안철수 국민의 당 캠프는 지지자들로부터 역풍을 받고 있는데요 손편지를 쓰고 있는데요 너무 늦었다는 생각이 듭니다.
20대 대선 후보 사전투표율
오늘은 사전투표일이 진행된 첫날이다. 35%수준으로 현재 상황을 보면 역사적으로 사전 투표율이 굉장히 높은 것으로 나타나고 있는데요 더불어 민주당 입장에서는 역대 사전 투표율이 높을수록 민주당에 우세한 결과를 가져왔기 때문으로 국민의 힘 입장에서도 높은 사전투표율 격려를 이번에 하고 있지만 좌불 안석이 될 수 도 있다는 추측이 나오고 있습니다.
강남 보수권 유권자들은 많은 비중이 국민의 힘 유권자일 가능성이 높은데요 여유가 있는 유권자들이기에 급히 할 필요가 없는 것이 특징으로 묘사가 되어 왔기 때문입니다.
마지막 변수로 현재 안철수 대표의 국민의 당 합당과 대선후보 철회후 윤석열 후보와 연합은 그리 좋은 포석으로 읽히고 있지 않기 때문에 국민의 힘 지지율에 큰 도움이 되지 않을 것 같은 느낌을 받도 있습니다.
이미 해외 투표자들의 경우 안철수를 찍거나 한 분들은 분괘를 하고 있는 것으로 보이며 이 여파가 클 것으로 보이고 있는데요 요 5일까지 사전투표가 진행이 되고 3월 9일 본선 투표가 진행이 되는데요 이번 타임지 대선후보 인터뷰로 인해서 이재명 대선 후보가 얼마만큼의 투표율을 받고 당선이 될 것인가? 아니면 도이치 모터스 주가조작에 점술 논란을 일으켰던 삼부토건 조남욱 회장, 최은순 장모 부동산 논란 등을 이겨내고 윤석열 후보가 당선이 될지 궁금해지고 있는데요 며칠만 기다리면 모두 그 민심의 결과를 알 수가 있을 것으로 보입니다.
주변에 친척중에서 비호감 선거로 인해서 안철수 후보를 찍으려고 했다가 또 철수하고 국민의 힘 검찰 공화국 윤석열 후보에 착 달라붙었다고 불평하는 소리를 들으면서 글을 정리합니다.
이재명 대선 후보 미국 타임지 실린 전문 내용 (영문)
아래는 미국 주간 타임지에 실린 이재명 대선 후보 관련 인터뷰 기사 및 사진들 내용입니다. 윤석열 후보관련 내용들도 같이 있습니다. 참고하시기 바랍니다.
미국 타임지 이재명 대선 후보 관련 인터뷰 기사 내용
WORLD SOUTH KOREATHE SOUTH KOREAN PRESIDENTIAL HOPEFUL WHO BELIEVES HIS CHILDHOOD CAN HELP HIM HEAL HIS NATION
The South Korean Presidential Hopeful Who Believes His Childhood Can Help Him Heal His Nation
Lee Jae-myung Looks to Calm an Uneasy Nation in a Divided World
He is campaigning on healing social inequalities through progressive policies
It’s an old cliche that presidential hopefuls win votes by kissing babies. But it’s a brave parent who offers their infant to Lee Jae-myung, whose signature moves on the campaign trail are taekwondo kicks and punches, shattering boards labeled COVID-19 crisis” and “pain of small business owners” in front of whooping supporters. “My staff asked me to do it,” Lee laughs, throwing a stiff jab at his laptop lens during our Zoom interview. “All Korean men know the basics of taekwondo.”
Russian Troops Shell Europe’s Largest Nuclear Power Plant During Advance in Ukraine
If Lee is successful in South Korea’s March 9 election, then he’ll have to smash through more than just boards. Voters are demanding that whoever ends up in the presidential Blue House dismantle the rampant inequality that plagues South Korean society, a condition underscored by a series of scandals that emerged during the tenure of incumbent President Moon Jae-in, such as local officials using insider knowledge to speculate on property while housing prices soar. (Lee is representing the same Democratic Party as Moon, who is constitutionally ineligible to stand for a second term.)
Lee kicks during a campaign rally in the southwestern city of Jeonju, South Korea, Feb. 19 Yonhap/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock “Lee has proven he is the one who can reform [Korea],” says Choo Yeon-chang, 65, who came to watch one of Lee’s rallies in the southern city of Daegu. “He can boost the morale of the entire country and bring change.”
Lee, 57, served as mayor of the city of Seongnam for seven years and, until the campaign, was governor of Gyeonggi Province, which surrounds Seoul and is South Korea’s most populous. He shot to national prominence through his uncompromising handling of the COVID-19 pandemic—even tactfully negotiating with the leader of a shadowy religious sect to allow testing within his commune—and advocating for universal basic income (UBI), where 1 million won ($840) would eventually be given to every citizen. It would make South Korea the only major economy to adopt a UBI, at a time of soaring inequality. (Finland ran a UBI experiment from 2017 to 2018, and Democratic U.S. presidential hopeful Andrew Yang has previously advocated a similar scheme). Lee is also campaigning on progressive policies like ensuring that at least 30% of top officials are women. (In April 2020, a record 57 women were elected to the 300-seat parliament; though just 19%, the proportion was the highest ever since democratization in 1987.) It’s an urge that comes from “actually going through and experiencing [injustice] myself,” he says. “That desperate sense has definitely been a driving force for me in pursuing my political career.”
Lee’s opponent in the race is fellow lawyer Yoon Suk-yeol, standing for the main opposition conservative People Power Party, who as prosecutor general made his name pursuing high-profile corruption cases against jailed former President Park Geun-hye, as well as Moon’s administration. Although Yoon has no governing experience, he’s seen as a populist whose following is owed to a graft-busting image. (Yoon declined a request for an interview with TIME.) The last permitted polling before the ballot, published March 3, had both candidates neck and neck.
From “the most backward place of 20th century Korea”
Lee, second from left, with his family in 1980, photographed on the first day the Lees lived above ground four years after moving to Seongnam Courtesy Lee Jae-myung, Democratic Party Presidential Candidate, Communications Team
In 2000, Lee (far right) attends a demonstration alongside Seongnam residents protesting against unlawful land-use change for private housing developments Courtesy Lee Jae-myung, Democratic Party Presidential Candidate, Communications Team Lee’s appeal to South Korea’s downtrodden are not just words. Born the fifth of seven children in an impoverished farming family, Lee would walk a 10 mile round trip to elementary school daily before returning home to plow fields. Too poor to afford even paper or crayons, Lee once had to clean the school toilets while his classmates attended an art contest. The school’s small library was his sanctuary, where he devoured adventure books such as Jules Verne’s Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the Sea to escape the harsh reality of going hungry day after day.
Lee left school in his early teens, lying about his age to work in factories, where he was frequently hostage to unscrupulous bosses’ withholding wages. One day, he got his wrist crushed in a pressing machine, an injury so serious that it meant he was officially designated as disabled and excused from national service. That torment, combined with his father’s gambling addiction, even led him to attempt suicide.
The pain of those formative years opened the young Lee’s eyes to social injustice that still plagues Korean society. Despite South Korea’s riches, it is also where even top college graduates struggle to earn enough to get a foot on the housing ladder, and where pensioners must recycle cardboard to make ends meet. Disposable income for the top 20% of earners is 5.59 times as high as that for the lowest 20%, according to Statistics Korea.
“Before, I actually thought it was all my fault, it was my mistake, and my responsibility,” Lee says. “Later on, as I became a college student, I realized that it was actually a structural social issue. And I made a commitment that, if possible, I would not leave any people to live the same life as I did.”
Lee in 1978, when he worked at Daeyang Industrial, a baseball glove factory Courtesy Lee Jae-myung, Democratic Party Presidential Candidate, Communications Team Despite no formal secondary education, Lee was accepted to law school on his first attempt, later forging a career in politics. A cornerstone of his stint as mayor of Seongnam was paying “youth dividends” of 250,000 won ($200) per quarter to 24-year-old residents, which became so successful that he expanded the program across Gyeonggi Province when he became governor in 2018. If he wins, Lee’s UBI would be an extension of coronavirus-linked assistance that he rolled out in Gyeonggi Province, where each resident received 100,000 won ($80) last year but had to spend it within three months in order to boost local business.
“Lee originated from the most backward place of 20th century Korea,” says Bang Hyeon-seok, a professor at ChungAng University who authored an authoritative biography of Lee, “and is now standing on the front line of 21st century Korea.”
North Korea, the noisy neighbor
While domestic issues are dominating the campaign, tensions across the demilitarized zone (DMZ) are once again rearing their head after North Korea hit a record month of missile testing in January, with 10 launches. Despite the unprecedented engagement of Moon and former U.S. President Donald Trump, Kim Jong Un still has around 60 nuclear bombs, according to best estimates, as well as intercontinental ballistic missiles capable of devastating any U.S. city. North Korea is also developing the capability to launch nuclear-tipped missiles from submarines. In January, Yoon alarmed many by advocating a pre-emptive military strike against the Kim regime if provocations escalate. (Yoon doubled down when challenged on the wisdom of a pre-emptive strike, saying it would be to “protect peace.”) For Lee, that is dangerous talk. “A lot of wars broke out not because of national interest, but because of such heated, emotional exchanges,” he says. “It’s important that we should not have any kind of unnecessary stimulation … that could escalate military tension.”
The specter of conflict has rarely felt so close. Russian President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine has already killed hundreds and displaced 1 million people, according to the U.N. Thousands of miles away, the invasion has brought back painful memories of when the Korean peninsula was occupied by the Japanese during World War II and the subsequent invasion by Soviet-backed forces in 1950, remaining today riven by Cold War animosities.
It’s lost on few here that North Korea’s only ally is China, which has refused to condemn Russia’s invasion, with Chinese President Xi Jinping’s meeting Putin in Beijing just days before tanks rolled into Ukraine to hail a strategic partnership “without limits.” That Russia, a historic backer of North Korea, just invaded a sovereign nation of 44 million with the tacit support of Beijing is naturally a cause for alarm. Under Moon, South Korea has indicated willingness to engage more in the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific Strategy and so-called Quad Plus security apparatus, groupings of Asian-Pacific democracies united to constrain China. He even emphasized the importance of “peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait,” provoking a rebuke from Beijing. “For South Korea, imagining this bloc of China, Russia, and North Korea hardening is an uncomfortable thought,” says Professor John Delury, an East Asia expert at Yonsei University in Seoul.
In many ways, Lee’s rags-to-riches success story finds parallels in the story of South Korea itself. Despite being decimated following World War II and the 1950–’ 53 Korean War, the nation today with its population of 50 million boasts the world’s 10th largest economy, whose firms—like Samsung Electronics and Hyundai Motors—are global behemoths. More recently, Korean culture—including food, TV and K-pop music—have drawn huge followings around the world. After a string of Korean smash hits, streaming giant Netflix has said it will at least match the $460 million it spent in 2021 in the country this year. Asked whether the “boom” of Korean culture was important, Lee offers a correction: “I would like to wish and hope that it’s only in the beginning, initial stages.” While South Korea’s traditional influence is constrained by limits in terms of territory and population, if you look at the “soft power” side, Lee says, “the possibilities are endless.”
Nonetheless, the invasion of Ukraine has South Korea once again looking over its shoulder. Lee expresses “outrage” at Russia’s aggression and insists that the rules-based world order must be strengthened in the face of such violations. “It’s very important that the international community realizes and reaffirms its commitment once again that any type of invasion that threatens the territorial integrity and sovereignty of a nation should not be overlooked,” he says.
To stave off war with the North, Lee wants to continue with the “sunshine policy” resurrected by Moon, who over the course of 18 months navigated an astonishing process of engagement. Kim held three summits with Moon, five with Xi, one with Putin, and three with Trump, who said of the dictator following a summit in Singapore: “We fell in love.” Yet all that effort has achieved very little concrete reconciliation. In June 2020, North Korea blew up a joint liaison office near the border town of Kaesong.
For Lee, the major factor in the stalled progress is a lack of trust. “Nothing gets resolved through force,” he says. “North Korea is also voicing frustration that some of the agreements [from Moon and Trump] were not upheld from our side.” Asked what his message is for Kim, he says that escalations like missile tests “will only further isolate them from the international society and … cost them the opportunity to cooperate with other countries. It’s not beneficial for the advancement or development of North Korea itself.”
Still, engaging the North remains a deeply polarizing issue among South Korean voters. “Moon is a dictator and he is a friend of Kim Jong Un,” one elderly conservative Daegu resident tells TIME near Lee’s campaign rally. “Moon and his party are trying to give all the money we have to North Korea. Lee will be no different from Moon.”
Managing Expectations of a Breakthrough
The unfortunate reality is that it will be extremely difficult to win over the U.S. and international community on inter-Korean economic cooperation without real, verifiable progress on denuclearization. And whether any deal is now possible is a huge question. North Korea has completely sequestered itself since the pandemic, even turning away food aid. Kim demands the complete suspension of South Korea-U.S. joint military exercises as a condition for dialogues with both countries, which is a nonstarter for Washington. “No matter which candidate becomes elected in [South Korea], it appears to be difficult to induce a resumption of stalled inter-Korean and Washington-Pyongyang dialogues” says Cheong Seong-chang, a senior fellow at Seoul’s influential Sejong Institute think tank.
And if the fate of Ukraine has lessons for South Korea, it is strikingly relevant for North Korea too. Ukraine was the world’s third largest nuclear weapons state—its scientists actually helped Pyongyang develop its missiles—when the Soviet Union broke up. From Kim’s perspective, Ukraine’s fatal mistake was swapping out the opportunity to have a nuclear deterrent for security guarantees from Russia and the West. “The chance of North Korea believing in U.S.-offered security assurance in return for nuclear disarmament—lock, stock and barrel—is now close to zero,” Cheong says.
And with the world distracted by carnage in Eastern Europe, Cheong believes Kim will take the opportunity to further hone his weapons. Not least since it’s now nigh impossible for the U.S. to seek Russia’s consent for new U.N. Security Council sanctions against Pyongyang.
And so Lee believes that, if elected, he will have to work closer with Beijing to keep his country safe. “It is necessary for us to grow and expand a cooperative relationship with China that is mutually beneficial,” he says. “While we firmly voice our position when necessary.”
While advocating dialogue where possible, Lee also proposes shaking up the military establishment. South Korea hosts some 28,500 U.S. troops and Lee wants to continue Moon’s work of transferring Wartime Operational Control, or OPCON, of combined forces from the U.S. to the Korean military. He also wants South Korea to build nuclear-powered submarines, which can operate longer and farther from home than traditional submarines. This, he says, will allow South Korea to play a more prominent role in regional security. He is also eager to promote a “two-track strategy” to restore relations with Japan, which reached a nadir during the Moon administration because of South Korea’s pressing the Japanese on human-rights abuses during World War II.
Of course, putting this plan into action relies on first winning over South Korean voters. It’s been a pretty grubby campaign so far—even by the standards of South Korea, where sleaze and corruption allegations are commonplace. Lee had to apologize after his son was caught gambling illegally, and has faced allegations that he illegally hired a provincial government employee to serve as his wife’s personal assistant, who then misappropriated state funds via his corporate credit card. (Lee has vowed to cooperate with any investigation.) Meanwhile, three people associated with a corruption probe into scandals surrounding Lee have turned up dead. (Lee’s campaign team were quick to dismiss any connection to their candidate as “fake news.”)
Yoon, in turn, had to apologize for inaccuracies on his wife’s resume many years ago when she applied for teaching jobs and denied allegations she was guilty of stock manipulation. He has also denied accusations of an occult hand in his campaign, including links to a shaman and an anal acupuncturist. It’s hardly inspiring stuff. On March 3, a fringe conservative candidate, software mogul Ahn Cheol-soo, dropped out of the race and threw his backing behind Yoon.
Lee’s hopes appear to rest on the liberal voters’ consolidating behind him in response, on ordinary people’s seeing through the morass to focus on the issues that truly matter, and on his promise that he has the vision and track record to push real change. “There are many ways that you can learn about the world—it could be through books, it could be through anecdotes of other people,” he says, “but I think actually living it yourself, experiencing it, is a different thing.”
이상으로 이재명 대선후보 및 윤석열 대선 후보 관련 미국 주간 타임지에 실린 이재명 후보 인터뷰가 현재 투표중인 유권자들에게 왜 많은 관심을 주고 있는지에 대한 내용을 정리를 했습니다. 이재명 대선 후보 지지율 상승에 큰 도움이 되었고 향후 대선 후보 인터뷰 기사로 인해 이재명 후보가 당선이 된다면 다음에는 국민의 힘에서도 이런 큰 인터뷰를 꼭 해보기를 추천을 드리면서 글을 정리를 합니다.